Justin’s Notes

Geopolitical Narratives Fill the Vacuum Left by Immature Social Science

2026-08-26 · AI-generated insight

Thayer's account of Chinese perceptions contains a buried empirical claim: that multiculturalism weakens a society, that the U.S. was stronger when it was culturally unified, and that this shift is a "component of U.S. decline." Strip away the geopolitical framing and this is a social science hypothesis — one about the relationship between cultural homogeneity and national power.

McIntyre's catalog of social science's failures explains why this hypothesis will likely never be adjudicated. It exhibits nearly every pathology on his list. Fuzzy concepts: what would we even measure as "national cohesion" or "decline"? Any proxy — GDP, military capacity, trust surveys, polarization indices — smuggles in assumptions about what strength means. Ideological infection: it's hard to imagine a more politically charged question in either country; Chinese analysts committed to a narrative of American decay and American multiculturalists committed to its opposite will both find what they're looking for. Cherry-picking: like McIntyre's immigration example, everything turns on how you count the costs and benefits. No experimentation: nations don't run controlled trials on their own cultural composition.

The synthesis is uncomfortable: strategic assessments of rivals are, in effect, untested social science theories with armies attached. The Chinese view Thayer describes isn't a finding — it's a theory-laden reading of ambiguous evidence, exactly the kind of "too much theory" reasoning McIntyre indicts. But the same is true of the confident Western counter-claim that diversity is strength. Both are conclusions in search of data.

McIntyre's medical analogy suggests a hopeful arc — social science could mature out of its dark ages. But the pairing with Thayer suggests why the stakes are higher than academic status. When a discipline cannot answer its central questions, those questions don't go unanswered; they get answered by ideology, national mythology, and strategic wishful thinking. The vacuum left by unreliable social science is filled by whatever story serves power. China will act on its theory of American decline whether or not it's true — and America's ability to know whether its own cohesion is fraying depends on precisely the sciences McIntyre says aren't yet up to the job.

Woven from these notes

From the Chinese perspective, the United States used to be a strong society that the Chinese respected when it was unicultural, defined by the centrality of Anglo-­Protestant culture at the core of American national identity aligned with the political ideology of liberalism, the rule of law, and free market capitalism. The Chinese see multiculturalism as a sickness that has overtaken the United States, and a component of U.S. decline.
— Thayer THE STRATEGIC CONSEQUENCES OF CHINESE RACISM: A Strategic Asymmetry for the United States
When so many studies fail to be replicated, or draw different conclusions from the same set of facts, it does not instill confidence in the social sciences. Whether this is because of sloppy methodology, ideological infection, or other problems, the result is that even if there are right and wrong answers to many of our questions about human action, most social scientists are not yet in a position to find them. It is not that none of the work in social science is rigorous enough, but when policymakers (and sometimes even other researchers) are not sure which results are reliable, it drives down the status of the entire field. If medicine could break with its barbarous past, isn’t the same path open to the social sciences? For years, many have argued that if they could emulate the “scientific method” of the natural sciences, they too could become more scientific. But this simple advice faces several problems. Among the issues that plague contemporary social scientific research: Too much theory: A number of social scientific studies propose answers that have not been tested against evidence. The classic example here is neoclassical economics, where a number of simplifying assumptions — perfect rationality, perfect information — resulted in beautiful quantitative models that had little to do with actual human behavior. Lack of experimentation/data: Except for social psychology and the newly emerging field of behavioral economics, much of social science still does not rely on experimentation, even where it is possible. For example, it is sometimes offered as justification for putting sex offenders on a public database that doing so reduces the recidivism rate. This must be measured, though, against what the recidivism rate would have been absent the Sex Offender Registry Board (SORB), which is difficult to measure and has produced varying answers. This exacerbates the difficulty in (1), whereby favored theoretical explanations are accepted even when they have not been tested against any experimental evidence. Fuzzy concepts: Some social scientific studies can lead to misleading conclusions because of the use of “proxy” concepts for what one really wishes to measure. A recent example includes measuring “warmth” as a proxy for “trustworthiness,” in which researchers assumed — on the basis of studies which show that we are more likely to trust someone whom we perceive to be “on our side” — that perceptions of scientists as “cold” meant that they would be less trustworthy as well. But the two concepts may not be interchangeable. Ideological infection: This problem is rampant throughout the social sciences, especially on topics that are politically charged. Two ongoing examples are the bastardization of empirical work on the deterrence effect of capital punishment and the effectiveness of gun control on mitigating crime. If one knows in advance what one wants to find, one will likely find it. Cherry picking: The use of statistics allows multiple “degrees of freedom” to scientific researchers, but this is the most likely to be abused. In studies on immigration, for instance, a great deal of the difference between them is a result of alternative ways of counting the “costs” incurred by immigration. This is obviously also related to (4) above. If we know our conclusion, we may shop for the data to support it. Lack of data sharing: As the evolutionary biologist Robert Trivers reports in Psychology Today, there are numerous documented cases of researchers failing to share their data in psychological studies, despite a requirement from APA-sponsored journals to do so. When data were later analyzed, errors were found most commonly in the direction of the researcher’s hypothesis. Lack of replication: Psychology is undergoing a reproducibility crisis. One might validly argue that the initial finding that nearly two-thirds of psychology studies were irreproducible was overblown, but it is nonetheless shocking that most studies are not even attempted to be replicated. This can lead to difficulties, where errors can sneak through. Questionable causation: It is gospel in statistical research that “correlation does not equal causation,” yet some social scientific studies continue to highlight provocative results of questionable value. One recent sociological study, for instance, found that matriculating at a selective college was correlated with parental visitation at art museums, without explicitly suggesting that this was likely an artifact of parental income.
— Lee McIntyre To Fix the Social Sciences, Look to the “Dark Ages” of Medicine