Justin’s Notes

When Both Statistics Are True, Authority Decides — and Shouldn't

2026-09-16 · AI-generated insight

The striking thing about placing Lewontin beside Winegard and Carl is that their empirical claims are both correct, yet they announce opposite verdicts. Lewontin is right that at any randomly chosen locus, most human genetic variation sits within populations rather than between them. Winegard and Carl are right that skulls can be sorted by continental ancestry with high accuracy. The resolution lies in a phrase Justin has filed the Lewontin quote under: correlation across many variables. Small between-group differences at individual loci, when they point in consistent directions across thousands of loci, aggregate into highly reliable structure — this is exactly what Edwards later dubbed "Lewontin's fallacy." Winegard and Carl's second note supplies the causal machinery: geographic isolation plus divergent selection pressures is precisely the process that generates weak-per-locus, strong-in-aggregate divergence. Neither statistic refutes the other; they describe the same data at different resolutions.

What makes the disagreement interesting is not the statistics but the leap Lewontin makes after them: from "most variation is within groups" to "no justification can be offered" for classification. That is a normative conclusion riding on statistical prestige. And here the Coon anecdote becomes more than an anecdote — it shows the institutional version of the same move. The AAA condemned Putnam's book after establishing, in the room, that almost no one had read it. In both cases, a scientific community's verdict outran its examination, and the verdict was delivered in science's voice.

The deepest irony is that all four notes are filed under "Science Against Prejudice." Lewontin deploys science against the prejudice of perceiving races as deeply different; Winegard and Carl deploy it against the prejudice of assuming all classification is racist; Coon's resignation protests prejudgment itself. Everyone claims the anti-prejudice mantle. Which suggests the mantle is doing no epistemic work — the real dividing line in these notes is not for or against race science but whether conclusions were reached before or after looking.

Woven from these notes

The primary reason that natural philosophers began to classify humans into different races is that human populations look different from one another. Their skin colors, hair textures, facial structures, and stature all differ, often in predictable ways. Furthermore, these differences reflect their divergent geographical origins. In fact, researchers can classify human variation by continent quite accurately using only data from the human skull. (They are able to correctly classify human skulls into black and white Americans with about 80% accuracy, using only two variables.) Therefore, despite the common charge that racial classification is ipso facto racist, and that most Enlightenment typologies of human variety were motivated by prejudices and a desire to rationalize imperial domination, ordinary people and Enlightenment philosophers also took to classifying human differences for the mundane reason that such differences actually exist.
— Bo Winegard, Noah Carl Superior: The Return of Race Science—A Review

A more plausible conception of race, one that is consistent with how careful philosophers and geneticists use the term, recognises that: When humans began leaving Africa around 75,000 years ago, they dispersed across a much greater range of environments than they had previously inhabited. The humans that settled in different geographic regions subsequently came under different selection pressures (e.g. temperature, seasonality, altitude). Natural barriers such as oceans (e.g. the Atlantic), deserts (e.g. the Sahara) and mountain ranges (e.g. the Himalayas) impeded gene flow between different populations for substantial periods of time. When there is limited gene flow between populations that have come under different selection pressures, we would expect them to gradually diverge from one another over via the processes of genetic drift and natural selection.

— Bo Winegard, Noah Carl Superior: The Return of Race Science—A Review
Carleton Coon was one of the greatest anthropologists of the 20th century and a champion of the study of racial differences. In 1961 he was elected president of the American Anthropological Association. It was during this year that Carleton Putnam's infamous book Race and Reason came out. Putnam's book argued that there were significant differences between the races and that this had important political implications. A few anthropologists became upset when they saw the book gain popularity and wanted the AAA to intervene. But they knew that Coon supported the book and that, as a result, having the AAA take action against it would be difficult. So they organized a secret meeting behind Coon's back in order to issue a statement denouncing Putnam's work. Coon found out about the meeting and went to stop it. Upon entering the meeting Coon asked all the association members who had actually read Putnam's book to raise their hands. Only one rose. He then asked for the hands of everyone that had even heard of the book prior to that meeting. Only a few hands rose. None the less, the statement against the book passed. Coon, disgusted by the actions of his peers, resigned from the AAA (1). This incident stands out in the history of science as a particularly clear example of scientists not living up to what people expect of them. People often take what scientists say for granted. They trust that scientists have looked at the evidence rationally and are giving the public as accurate an account of all the relevant facts as they can. When explaining science to laypeople researchers are expected to only make authoritative statements on topics they are knowledgeable of, to not lie about scientific evidence, and to not omit obviously relevant facts. People trust scientists to do these things and so feel comfortable taking what they tell them for granted. (See
It is clear that our perception of relatively large differences between human races and subgroups, as compared to the variation within these groups, is indeed a biased perception and that, based on randomly chosen genetic differences, human races and populations are remarkably similar to each other, with the largest part by far of human variation being accounted for by the differences between individuals. Human racial classification is of no social value and is positively destructive of social and human relations. Since such racial classification is now seen to be of virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance either, no justification can be offered for its continuance.
— Lewontin